Saint Thomas Christians
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Saint Thomas Christians
|
|
Notable List of Saint Thomas Christians:
St.Thomas the apostle • Gheevarghese Mar Gregorios of Parumala • Saint Alphonsa
Anna Chandy • Thomas Kailath • Oommen Chandy •
Asin Thottumkal • Johnson (composer) • Tinu Yohannanalso known as Syrian Christians of Kerala, Mar Thoma Nasrani, Malayali Nasrani Christians |
| Total population |
| 65 to 75 per cent of Christian population in Kerala[1] |
| Regions with significant populations |
| India (Kerala, Bangalore, Mumbai,); UAE (Dubai, Oman, Kuwait,);USA
(Chicago[2]) |
| Languages |
| Malayalam, Liturgical language: Syriac (Aramaic)[3] |
| Religion |
| Saint Thomas Christian Churches – Syriac Christianity: denominations include: Syro-Malabar Catholic Church, Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church, Jacobite Syrian Christian Church, Malabar Independent Syrian Church, Malankara Mar Thoma Syrian Church, Syro-Malankara Catholic Church, Chaldean Syrian Church |
| Related ethnic groups |
| Knanaya, Malabar Jews,[3] Malayalis |
The
Saint Thomas Christians, also called
Syrian Christians or
Nasrani, are an ancient body of
Christians from the Indian state of
Kerala who trace their origins to the evangelical activity of
Thomas the Apostle
in the 1st century. The community was historically united in leadership
and liturgy, but since the 17th century have been split into several
different church groups and traditions.
Historically the Saint Thomas Christian community was part of the
Church of the East, centred in
Persia. They were organised as the
Ecclesiastical Province of India in the 8th century, served by bishops and a hereditary
Archdeacon. In the 16th century the overtures of the
Portuguese padroado to bring the Saint Thomas Christians into the
Catholic Church led to the first of several rifts in the community and the establishment of Syrian Catholic and
Malankara Church factions. Since that time further splits have occurred, and the Saint Thomas Christians are now divided into several different
Eastern Catholic,
Oriental Orthodox, and independent bodies, each with their own liturgies and traditions.
The Saint Thomas Christians represent a single
ethnic group. Saint Thomas Christian culture is largely developed from
East Syrian
influences blended with local customs and later elements derived from
indigenous Indian and European colonial contacts. Their language is
Malayalam, the local tongue of Kerala.
Terminology
The Saint Thomas Christians are so called due to their reverence for Saint
Thomas the Apostle, who is said to have brought Christianity to
India. The name dates to the period of
Portuguese colonization. They are also known, especially locally, as the
Nasrani or
Nasrani Mappila. "Nasrani" is a term meaning "Christian"; it appears to be derived from
Nazareth, the home town of Jesus.
Mappila is an
honorific applied to members of non-Indian faiths, including Muslims (
Jonaka Mappila) and Jews (
Yuda Mappila).
[4][5] Some Syrian Christians of
Travancore continue to attach this honorific title to their names.
[6] The Indian government designates members of the community as "Syrian Christians", a term originating with the
Dutch colonial authority distinguishing the Saint Thomas Christians, who used
Syriac as the liturgical language, from newly evangelized Christians following
Latin liturgy.
[7] The term
Syrian relates not to their ethnicity but to their historical, religious and liturgical connection to the
Church of the East, or East Syrian Church.
[4]
History
Early history
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The most commonly believed myth of origin among Saint Thomas
Christians relates to the evangelical activity of Thomas the Apostle,
who is believed to have come to India in middle of the 1st century.
[8] There is no contemporary evidence for Thomas being in the subcontinent, though it was possible for a
Roman Jew of the time to make such a trip. Groups such as the
Cochin Jews and
Bene Israel are known to have existed in India around that time.
[9][10][11] The earliest known source connecting the apostle to India is the
Acts of Thomas, likely written in the early 3rd century, perhaps in
Edessa.
[8][12][13]
The text describes Thomas' adventures in bringing Christianity to
India, a tradition later expanded upon in early Indian sources such as
the "Thomma Parvam" ("Song of Thomas").
[14][15] Generally he is described as arriving in or around
Maliankara and founding
Seven Churches, or
Ezharapallikal:
Kodungallur,
Kollam,
Niranam, Nilackal (
Chayal),
Kokkamangalam, Kottakkayal (
Paravoor),
Palayoor (Chattukulangara) and
Thiruvithancode Arappally – a "half church".
[16][17][18] A number of 3rd- and 4th-century Roman writers also mention Thomas' trip to India, including
Ambrose of Milan,
Gregory of Nazianzus,
Jerome, and
Ephrem the Syrian, while
Eusebius of Caesarea records that his teacher
Pantaenus visited a Christian community in India in the 2nd century.
[19][20]
An organised Christian presence in India dates to the arrival of
East Syrian settlers and missionaries from
Persia, members of the
Church of the East or Nestorian Church, in around the 3rd century.
[21] Saint Thomas Christians trace the further growth of their community to the arrival of the Nestorian
Thomas of Cana
from the Middle East, which is said to have occurred sometime between
the 4th and 8th century. The subgroup of the Saint Thomas Christians
known as the
Southists trace their lineage to Thomas of Cana, while the group known as the
Northists
claim descent from Thomas the Apostle's indigenous converts; some
additionally assert ancestry from Thomas of Cana through a second,
Indian wife.
[20][22]
Classical period
As the community grew and immigration by East Syrians increased, the
connection with the Church of the East, centred in the Persian capital
of
Seleucia-Ctesiphon, strengthened. From the early 4th century the
Patriarch of the Church of the East provided India with clergy, holy texts, and ecclesiastical infrastructure, and around 650 Patriarch
Ishoyahb III solidified the Church of the East's jurisdiction over the Saint Thomas Christian community.
[26] In the 8th century Patriarch
Timothy I organised the community as the
Ecclesiastical Province of India, one of the church's illustrious Provinces of the Exterior. After this point the Province of India was headed by a
metropolitan bishop, dispatched from Persia, the "Metropolitan-Bishop of the Seat of Saint Thomas and the Whole Christian Church of India".
[20] His
metropolitan see was probably in
Cranganore, or (perhaps nominally) in
Mylapore, where the shrine of Thomas was located.
[20] Under him were a varying number of bishops, as well as a native
Archdeacon, who had authority over the clergy and who wielded a great amount of secular power.
[20]
Some contact and transmission of knowledge of the Saint Thomas
Christians managed to reach the Christian West, even after the rise of
the
Islamic empires.
[27] Byzantine traveller
Cosmas Indicopleustes wrote of East Syrian Christians he met in India and
Sri Lanka in the 6th century.
[28] In 883 the English king
Alfred the Great reportedly sent a mission and gifts to Saint Thomas' tomb in India.
[27] During the
Crusades, distorted accounts of the Saint Thomas Christians and the Nestorian Church gave rise to the European legend of
Prester John.
[29]
The great distances involved and the geopolitical turmoil of the
period caused India to be cut off from the church's heartland in
Mesopotamia at several points. In the 11th century the province was
suppressed by the church entirely, as it had become impossible to reach,
[30] but effective relations were restored by 1301.
[31]
However, following the collapse of the Church of the East's hierarchy
in most of Asia later in the 14th century, India was effectively cut off
from church, and formal contact was severed. By the late 15th century
India had had no metropolitan for several generations, and the authority
traditionally associated with him had been vested in the archdeacon.
[32]
In 1491 the archdeacon sent envoys to the Patriarch of the Church of the East, as well as to the
Coptic Pope of Alexandria and to the
Syriac Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch, requesting a new bishop for India. The Patriarch of the Church of the East
Shemʿon IV Basidi responded by consecrating two bishops, Thoma and Yuhanon, and dispatching them to India.
[32]
These bishops helped rebuild the ecclesiastical infrastructure and
reestablish fraternal ties with the patriarchate, but the years of
separation had greatly affected the structure of the Indian church.
Though receiving utmost respect, the metropolitan was treated as a guest
in his own diocese; the Archdeacon was firmly established as the real
power in the Malankara community.
[33]
Portuguese contact
The Saint Thomas Christians first encountered the
Portuguese in 1498, during the expedition of
Vasco da Gama. At the time the community was in a tenuous position: though thriving in the
spice trade
and protected by their own militia, the local political sphere was
volatile and the Saint Thomas Christians found themselves under pressure
from the
rajas of
Calicut and
Cochin and other small kingdoms in the area. The Saint Thomas Christians and the Portuguese newcomers quickly formed an alliance.
[34]
The Portuguese had a keen interest in implanting themselves in the
spice trade and in spreading their particularly bellicose version of
Christianity, which had been forged during several centuries of warfare
in the
Reconquista.
[35] Facilitating their goals was the
Padroado Real,
a series of treaties and decrees in which the Pope conferred upon the
Portuguese government certain authority in ecclesiastical matters in the
foreign territories they conquered. They set up in
Goa, forming a
colonial government and a
Latin church hierarchy under the
Archbishop of Goa, and quickly set to bringing the Saint Thomas Christians under his authority.
[36]
The Portuguese subjection of the Saint Thomas Christians was
relatively measured at first, but they became more aggressive after
1552, the year of the death of Metropolitan Mar Jacob and of a
schism in the Church of the East,
which resulted in there being two rival Patriarchs – one of whom
entered communion with the Catholic Church. Both patriarchs sent bishops
to India, but the Portuguese consistently managed to outmaneuver them,
and effectively cut off the Saint Thomas Christians from their hierarchy
in 1575, when the Padroado legislated that neither patriarch could send
representatives to India without Portuguese approval.
[37]
By 1599 the last Metropolitan, Abraham, had died, and the Archbishop of Goa,
Aleixo de Menezes,
had secured the submission of the young Archdeacon George, the highest
remaining representative of the native church hierarchy.
[38] The Archbishop convened the
Synod of Diamper,
which implemented various liturgical and structural reforms in the
Indian church. The Synod brought the parishes directly under the
Archbishop's purview; anathematised certain "superstitious" social
customs characteristic of their Hindu neighbors, including
untouchability and a
caste hierarchy; and purged the indigenous liturgy, the
Malabar Rite, of elements deemed unacceptable according to the Latin protocol.
[39][40][41] A number of texts were condemned and ordered burnt, including the
Peshitta, the Syriac version of the Bible.
[42][page needed]
Some of the reforms, especially the elimination of caste status,
reduced the Saint Thomas Christians' standing with their socially
stratified Hindu neighbors.
[40]
The Synod formally brought the Saint Thomas Christians into to Catholic
Church, however, the actions of the Portuguese over the ensuing years
fueled resentment in segments of the community, and ultimately led to
open resistance to their power.
[43]
Division and defiance
Relationship of the Nasrani groups
Over the next several decades, tensions seethed between the
Portuguese and the remaining native hierarchy, and after 1641 Archdeacon
Thomas, the nephew and successor to Archdeacon George, was often at odds with the Latin prelates.
[44] In 1652, the escalating situation was further complicated by the appearance in
Mylapore of a mysterious figure named
Ahatallah, who claimed to have been sent by the Pope to serve as "Patriarch of the Whole of India and of China".
[44][45]
Ahatallah made a strong impression on the native clergy, but the
Portuguese quickly decided he was an impostor, and put him on a ship
bound for Europe by way of Goa. Archdeacon Thomas, desperate for a new
ecclesiastical leader to free his people from the Padroado, travelled to
Cochin and demanded to meet Ahatallah and examine his credentials. The
Portuguese refused, stating the ship had already left for Goa.
[45]
Ahatallah was never heard from in India again, inspiring rumours that
the Portuguese had murdered him and inflaming anti-Portuguese sentiments
even more.
[46]
This was the last straw for the Saint Thomas Christians, and in 1653
Thomas and community representatives met at the Church of Our Lady in
Mattancherry
to take bold action. In a great ceremony before a crucifix and lighted
candles, they swore a solemn oath that they would never obey Garcia or
the Portuguese again, and that they accepted only the Archdeacon as
their shepherd.
[46] The
Malankara Church and all its successor churches regard this declaration, known as the
Coonan Cross Oath after the outdoor cross in the churchyard, as the moment when their church regained its independence.
[46]
Shortly after, the leaders of this newly independent church decided
Thomas should be elevated to bishop. Thomas was consecrated in a
ceremony in which twelve priests
laid hands on him, and he became the
metropolitan of Malankara.
[47]
The Coonan Cross Oath represented the first permanent split in the
Saint Thomas Christian community. Thereafter, the faction affiliated
with the Catholic Church was designated the
Pazhayakuttukar, or "Old Party", while the branch affiliated with Mar Thoma was called the
Puthankuttukar, or "New Party".
[48][49][50][51]
These appellations have been somewhat controversial, as both groups
considered themselves the true heirs to the Saint Thomas tradition, and
saw the other as heretical.
[52]
After the Coonan Cross Oath, between 1661 and 1662, out of the 116
churches, the Catholics claimed eighty-four churches, and Archdeacon
Mar Thoma I with thirty-two churches. The eighty-four churches and their congregations were the body from which the
Syro-Malabar Catholic Church and
Chaldean Syrian Church have descended. The other thirty-two churches and their congregations were the body from which the Syriac Orthodox (
Jacobites &
Orthodox),
Thozhiyur (1772),
Mar Thoma (Reformed) (1874),
Syro-Malankara Catholic Church have originated.
[53][full citation needed]
In 1665,
Mar Gregorios Abdul Jaleel,
a Bishop sent by the Syriac Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch arrived in
India and the St.Thomas Christians belonging to the "New Party", under
the leadership of the Archdeacon, welcomed him.
[54][55][full citation needed]
This visit resulted in the Mar Thoma faction claiming spiritual
authority of the Antiochean Patriarchate and gradually introduced the
West Syrian liturgy, customs and script to the Malabar Coast.
[48] Those who accepted the
West Syrian theological and liturgical tradition of Mar Gregorios became known as Jacobites. The "Old Party", who continued with
East Syrian
and Latin theological and liturgical tradition and stayed faithful to
the Synod of Diamper and the Roman Catholic Church came to be formally
known as the
Syro-Malabar Catholic Church from the second half of 19th century onward. Syro-Malabar Hierarchy was established on 21 December 1923 with the Metropolitan
Mar Augustine Kandathil as the Head of their Church.
[48][56]
The foreign Jacobite prelate Mar Gregorios who came to Kerala in 1751
CE, consecrated Rev. Abraham Kattumangat as bishop Abraham Mar
Koorilose in 1772 CE at Mattancherry church, Cochin.
[57]
He was driven into exile from the states of Travancore and Cochin where
the majority of St. Thomas Christians lived, to Anjoor in the state of
Malabar. He spent his days in prayer and meditation in a hut. A few
relatives and friends joined him there.
[54][58][59][60][61] This group was known as Thozhyoor Church later named as
Malabar Independent Syrian Church, after a court verdict on 28 May 1863.
[62]
British period
In 1795, the kings of Travancore and Cochin entered into
tributary alliance with the
British East Indian Company to repel the attacks from
Tipu Sultan.
The states soon became client regimes of the Company: both were forced
to disband their military. The political order of the states also began
to collapse. Syrian Christians were hit hard by the loss of their
privileged military role, their
kalari network was dissolved and many families lost their livelihood.
[63]
The trading class, as well as the office bearers, also suffered the set
back and many Europeans who visited the states between 1801 and 1820
noted the poor and depressed condition of Syrian Christians. Some
partisan fund allocation for the churches by the British officials
triggered a breakdown in the relationship between Syrian Christians and
prominent Hindu castes, at least temporarily.
[64]
Further divisions
As a protest against the interference of the
Anglican Church in the affairs of the Malankara Suriyani Church, the Metropolitan, Cheppad Mar Dionysius, had convened a Synod at
Mavelikara on 16 January 1836. There it was declared that Malankara Church was a subject of the supremacy of the
patriarch of Antioch.
[65]
As a result of this declaration the Anglican missionaries were forced
to separate themselves from communion with the Malankara Church.
[citation needed]
With their converts and a few St. Thomas Christians, they formed
themselves the C.M.S. Church. On 27 September 1947 the C.M.S. Church
joined together with other similar Churches and formed the C.S.I. (
Church of South India).
[66]
By June 1875, there were two factions in the Jacobite Church (Oriental Orthodox).
Mathews Mar Athanasius was the Malankara Metropolitan approved by the Governments of Travancore and of Cochin
[67]
and the group with him was known as "Reform Party" since Mathews Mar
Athanasius was supportive to the reformation of Jacobite church with
evangelistic ideologies.
[68] The Patriarchal faction, under the leadership of Metropolian
Pulikkottil Joseph Mar Dionysious II, opposed the attempts to do away with age-old traditions of the church, which resulted in a stir in the community.
[68] Being invited by this faction, the Antiochene Patriarch Moran Mar Ignatius Peter III arrived in Kerala.
[69]
On June 1876, at the synod of Mulanthuruthy, presided over by the
Patriarch, the Patriarchal faction formally came under the Antiochene
Patriarchate.
[70] The synod condemned Mathews Mar Athanasius for abstaining from it, but his followers stayed firm with him.
[68] His successor
Thomas Mar Athanasius and the bishop’s faction lost the law suit to the Patriarchal faction in the Royal Court of Travancore on 12 July 1889.
[71]
Nonetheless, the Reform Party continued as an independent, Malankara
Church and thereafter a series of suits arose on the rights over
churches and associated properties. Later they chose the name
Malankara Mar Thoma Syrian Church.
[68]
In 1912, due to attempts by the Antiochean Patriarch to gain temporal
powers over the Malankara Church, there was another split in the West
Syrian community when a section declared itself an
autocephalous church and announced the re-establishment of the ancient
Catholicosate
of the East in India. This was not accepted by those who remained loyal
to the Patriarch, and this group, popularly known as Patriarch's Party
recognized the temporal power of the Patriarch over the assets of their
church, while the other side, known as Bishop's Party, accepted the
supremacy of Patriarch only over the spiritual matters. The two sides
filed a series of law suits in the civil courts and some parallel
attempts to reconcile both the parties also took place. In 1958, bishops
of both the parties sealed their reconciliation and signed a treaty
which in turn recognized the autonomy of reunited factions, with its own
synod of bishops under the presidency of the Catholocos.
[72]
The verdict of Supreme Court of India in 1959, legitimizing the
autonomy of Kerala church, was also instrumental to keep this formal
reconciliation between two sides. Nonetheless, in 1975, both the parties
split again with the decision of
Universal Syrian Synod, held in Damascus, to depose the Catholocos in Kerala. Today the West Syrian community is divided into
Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church (in Oriental Orthodox Communion, autocephalous),
Jacobite Syriac Orthodox Church (in Oriental Orthodox Communion, under Antioch).
[48]
In 1930 a section of the Malankara Church under the leadership of Mar Ivanios and Mar Theophilus left the Church
[73] and came into communion with the Catholic Church. They are known as
Syro-Malankara Catholic Church.
In 1961, there was a split in the Malankara Mar Thoma Syrian Church which resulted in the formation of
St. Thomas Evangelical Church.
[74][75]
Involvement in politics
Participation based on caste and community divisions and sympathies
has been a feature of politics in the present day state of Kerala and
its predecessor entities. Until the mid-20th century the primary cause
of the divisions between the various communities was competition for
rights and resources, rather than any dislike of each other, but in more
recent times there has been a rise in violence and antagonism that has
coincided with a promotion of
Hindu politics.
[76]
Like other communities, Saint Thomas Christians have been involved in
regional politics on a community basis. In 1888, Travancore became the
first
princely state in India to establish a Legislative Council, which was reformed as the
Sree Moolam Popular Assembly
in 1904. A few Saint Thomas Christian leaders were elected to the
Legislative Council but there was resentment that their share of the
available seats was proportionately less than that of other prominent
castes. This resentment led to a series of campaigns for equal
representation both in the legislature and in government positions.
[77] Newspapers such as
Malayala Manorama and
Nasrani Deepika disseminated the grievances.
[78]
In 1918, Saint Thomas Christians formed the League for Equal Civic
Rights, which sought the opening of all branches of government service
to Christians, Muslims and
avarna Hindus, as well as an end to the practice of
untouchability. Their demands were partially met in 1922 when the Revenue Department was separated from the
Devaswom,
a semi-government organization that managed the Hindu temples, thus
removing the restriction on non-Hindus and avarnas in the executive
service. In the 1920s, Saint Thomas Christian leaders such as
George Joseph were advised by
Mahatma Gandhi to detach from
Vaikom Satyagraha, an agitation for the
temple entry rights of avarna Hindus, as he considered the issue to be one of concern to Hindus alone.
[78][79]
With the institution in 1932 of a
bicameral legislature in Travancore, four Saint Thomas Christians found a place in among the 24 seats of the
lower house, but not comparable with other forward castes.
[77] The partisan and oppressive behaviour of
Diwan Sir C. P. Ramaswamy Iyer,
especially towards the Saint Thomas Christians, further provoked the
community members. Iyer reflected a concern among Hindus that the
Christian population was rising and that there was a consequent danger
of Travancore becoming a Christian state. The 1931 census recorded over
31 per cent of the population as being Christian, compared to around 4
per cent in 1820.
[80]
Some restrictions were imposed on Saint Thomas Christian parishes to
start new schools and later on the Diwan attempted to take over the
schools owned by the community.
[78] In 1933, some prominent Saint Thomas Christians, including
T. M. Varghese,
worked to organize other communities on a common platform called the
Joint Political Congress, which then decided to abstain from
participation in the assembly elections, an action that has become known
as the Abstention Movement. There followed a period of fierce
confrontation between the Diwan and Saint Thomas Christians — many
leaders were arrested, prominent news papers were banned and large banks
owned by the community members were liquidated.
[78][81] But the agitations continued and to resolve the issue, government appointed a
franchise and delimitation commissioner
to solve the problem of representation in the legislator with special
reference to backward communities. Though there was no definite
assurance to Saint Thomas Christians, Joint Political Congress decided
to withdraw the agitation. According to the recommendations of
commissioner, franchise power was extended beyond the caste bars. In
1937, general elections were held and Joint Political Congress played a
significant role to attain much better representation for allied
communities.
[82]
T.M. Varghese was elected as the Deputy President of the Assembly where
Iyer was the ex officio President. But in 1938, he was ousted by Iyer
for cooperating with rebels, which led to a worsening of relation
between the Saint Thomas Christians and Iyer. On the collapse of Joint
Political Congress due to internal conflicts, Saint Thomas Christian
leaders allied with
Nairs in a common platform-
Travancore State Congress where they fought together for responsible government and also to oust Iyer.
[77] Many Saint Thomas Christian bishops like Mar James Kalaserry and Metropolitan
Abraham Mar Thoma, supported the nationalistic movemenets in 1930s and 1940s.
[83]
Following intense agitations by the Travancore State Congress, the
Maharaja of Travancore announced plans to establish a responsible
Government. As per the announcement on 4 September 1947, the new
Assembly called the
Representative Body was formed to function as a Constituent Assembly. The Assembly held its first sitting on 20 March 1948 with President
A. J. John, Anaparambil,
a Saint Thomas Christian leader in the chair. In the three-member
Cabinet of Travancore formed after the first general elections in 1948,
Varghese was a Cabinet Minister
[84]
From 1948 onwards, the community has produced many Chief Ministers,
Ministers and Speakers in the Assembly of Travancore, in the Assembly of
Travancore-Cochin, after the merge of two princely states and from 1956
on wards in the State of Kerala. In the Central Government too, many of
its members have ascended to the levels of Cabinet Minister, Governor,
Minister of State etc.
[citation needed]
Socio-cultural and religious identity
Interior of the Palayur Church, one of the oldest Christian church in
India and one of the seven founded by St Thomas the Apostle in 52 AD
A large number of Syrian Christians underwent training in
Kalaripayattu
and used the military power to protect the interests of their
community. Sometimes they organised against local chieftains to protect
their rights. Portuguese and Dutch colonial forces enlisted many Syrian
Christians in their armies.
[85][86]
St. Thomas Christians are a distinct community, both in terms of
culture and religion. Though their liturgy and theology remained that of
East-Syrian Christians of Persia, their life-style customs and
traditions were basically Indian. It is oft-quoted – "Nazranis are Hindu
in culture, Christian in faith and Syrian in liturgy".
[87]
The presence of Jews among the early Malabar Nasrani Christians had
significant effects on the liturgy and traditions of the entire
community.
[3]
The community maintained some of the original rituals of the early
Jewish Christians, such as covering their heads while in worship. Their
ritual services were and still are called the
Qurbana (also spelled
Kurbana), which is derived from the
Aramaic and
Hebrew term
korban (קרבן), meaning "sacrifice".. The Nasrani Qurbana used to be held in Syriac.
[3]
Syrian Christians typically followed the social customs of their
Hindu neighbors, and the vestiges of Hindu symbolism could be seen in
their devotional practices.
[88] Social sins like
Untouchability entered their practices and the
Synod of Diamper abolished it.
[89] The rituals related to birth,
Vidyarambham, marriage, pregnancy, death etc. were also similar in both communities. Now also, tying
Thaali, a Hindu symbol of marriage is the most important rite in the Christian marriages too. They used to learn temple arts
[citation needed] like
Kathakali,
Kooth and
Thullal and their own art forms like
Margam Kali and Parichmuttu Kali have some resemblance to Yathra kali Pattu of
Brahmins in Kerala.
[88] In 1519, a Portuguese traveler
Duarte Barbosa on his visit to Malabar commented on the practice of Syrian Christian priests using
Kudumi similar to that of Hindus, in his manuscript "Book of Duarte Barbosa".
[90]
In the social stratification of medieval Malabar, Syrian Christians
succeeded in relating their social status with that of upper-caste
Hindus on account of their numerical strength and influence and
observance of many Brahmin customs.
[89][91]
In 13th and 14th century, many Syrian Christians were involved in the
pepper trade for the local rulers and many were appointed as port
revenue officers. The local rulers rewarded them with grants of land and
many other privileges. With growing numerical strength, a large number
of Syrian Christians settled in the inland pepper-growing regions.
[92]
They had the right to recruit and train soldiers and Christian trainers
were given with the honorary title "Panikkar" like their Nair
counterparts.
[93]
They were also entitled with the privilege to collect the tax, and the
tax-collectors were honored with the title "Tharakan". Like Brahmins
they had the right to sit before the Kings and also to ride on horse or
elephant, like the royals.
[89] They were protectors of seventeen underprivileged castes and communities and hence they were called
Lords of Seventeen Castes.
[85][89] They did not allow the lower-castes to join their community for fear that it could imperil their upper-caste status.
[85][94] Between 9th and 15th centuries, Syrian Christians had a small kingdom of their own, viz.
Villarvattom[citation needed], but this regal period came under extinct and the community fell under the power of
Rajas of Cochin and Travancore.
[95] They owned a large number of
Kalaripayattu training centers and the
Rajas of Travancore and Cochin, including the renowned
Marthanda Varma, recruited trained Christian warriors to defend their kingdom.
[96]
The upper-caste Hindus and Syrian Christians took part in one another's
festival celebrations and in some places in Kerala, the Hindu Temples
and Syrian Christian Churches were built on adjoining sites by the Hindu
Kings. Until the 19th century, Syrian Christians had the right of
access to Hindu temples and some leading Syrian Christians held the
status of sponsors at Hindu shrines and temple festivals.
[97]
But in the 19th century, Syrian Christian integration with the Hindu
caste system was disrupted: their clean-caste status was questioned in
some localities and they were denied access to many Hindu temples. They
tried to retaliate by denouncing Hindu festivals as heathen idolatry.
Clashes between upper-caste Hindus and Syrian Christians occurred from
the late 1880s, especially when festivals coincided. Internecine
violence among various Syrian Christian denominations aggravated their
problems.
[98]
Church architecture
St.Marys Syrian Knanaya Church in
Kottayam, Kerala containing ancient Nasrani symbols and Sassanid Pahlavi inscriptions.
The earliest documentary evidence is Tharisapally Copper Plate, which
refers to the construction of the church of Tharisapally in Quilon
between 823 and 849 CE. Antonio Gouvea, Portuguese envoy to
Malabar,mentions in his Sixteenth century work
Jornada that
almost all the churches of Saint Thomas Christians followed the models
of Hindu temples of that period, but distinguished by the huge granite
cross in the front yard of the church. Despite the external similarity
with the temples, the structuring of the interior space of the church
always followed the East Syrian architectural theology. Thus the
contemporary style is formed as an amalgamation of Indian architecture
and Chaldean liturgical concepts.
[99] Interior space of the church is structured into levels:
Madbaha (
Chancel),
Qestroma (Choir) and
Haykla (
Nave). The
Madbaha or the
Holy of Holies,
arranged in the top most platform at the eastern side of the building
represents the heaven. It is also protected with rails and also veiled
by a red curtain for most of the time. The curtain-veil is opened at the
time of
hagbah, during the Nasrani Mass or
Qurbana.
There is an oil lamp in Madbaha, glowing round the clock, to represent
the presence of God. The external roof of the Madbaha is higher than
that of the Haykla. Connected with the Madbaha, there are North and
South sections consisting of the sacristy and the baptistery. Haykla, a
few steps below the Madbaha, is where the worshippers stand. The main
entrance is at the western side of the building opening to the Haykla.
In the Haykla, there are separate seating arrangement for men and women.
Qestroma -one step above the Haykla- is meant for choir and the lower
clergy. A porch, pillars, pilasters and other architectural ornaments
adorn the front end of the church at west side and a flag-mast is there
in the front yard. One or two bells are installed in the back yard to
signal the timing of ritual services or demise of church members and
sometimes it is even used to inform public of calamities.
[100]
Nasrani symbol
The
Saint Thomas Cross is widely perceived as the symbol of Saint Thomas Christians. It is also known as Nasrani Menorah
[citation needed] or Mar Thoma Sliba.
[101]
There are several interpretations for the Nasrani Symbol. The
interpretation based on Christian Jewish tradition assumes that its
design was based on Jewish
menorah, an ancient symbol of the Hebrews, which consists of seven branched lamp stand (candelabra).
[102]
The interpretation based on local culture states that the Cross
without the figure of Jesus and with flowery arms symbolizing
"joyfulness" points to the resurrection theology of St. Paul, the Holy
Spirit on the top represents the role of Holy Spirit in the resurrection
of Jesus Christ. The lotus symbolizing Buddhism and the Cross over it
shows that Christianity was established in the land of Buddha. The 3
steps indicate Calvary and the rivulets, channels of grace flowing from
the Cross.
[103]
Note that the
Christian cross was not adopted as a symbol by Mediterranean and European Christianity until several centuries had passed.
Saint Thomas Christians today
Writing in 2010, Devika and Varghese noted that "[The St. Thomas
Christians] are at present a substantial minority, a powerful presence
in all fields of life in Kerala."
[104]
Socioeconomic status
Even though the Syrian Christians had to compromise their social and
religious privileges from the aftermaths of Portuguese subjugation, they
started reemerging as a powerful community from the 19th century
onward. They played a pioneering role in many spheres such as Banking,
Commerce, Cash crops etc.
[105]
In Syrian Christians, 17.4% of the adult population are self-employed,
highest among all the communities in the state of Kerala.
[106] Syrian Christians lead all other with respect to per capita ownership of land and many of them own large
estates.
With the changing conditions, they shifted from the agriculture of rice
and coconut to plantation based agriculture and trade of
rubber, spices and
cash crops. They also take a prominent role in the educational institutions of Kerala and throughout
India.
[107]
They were quick to understand the benefits of academic education and in
the educational achievements Syrian Christians stand second to none.
The educational achievements of the community helped its members to
attain a good proportion of the Central and State Government jobs.
[105]
With their level of education and limited employment opportunities
within the state of Kerala, they became the major migrating community
and the resultant foreign remittances also have helped for the
socioeconomic progress of the community. According to Kerala Migration
Survey (1998) by Center for Developmental Studies, Kerala, Syrian
Christians lead all other communities in Kerala with respect to
Socioeconomic Development Index which is based on parameters like
possession of
land,housing & consumer durables, education and employment status.
[108]
Existing traditions, rituals and social life
Saint Thomas Christians still retain many of their ancient traditions
and rituals, both in their social and religious life. Saint Thomas
Christian services have many unique characteristics compared to others.
Until the 1970s the Nasrani
Qurbana was sung in Syriac. Many of
the tunes of the Syriac Christian worship in Kerala are remnants of
ancient Syriac tunes of antiquity.
[109] The Nasrani
Baptism is still called by the Aramaic term
mamodisa and follows many of the ancient rituals of the ceremony. It is referred to in Malayalam as
Njana Snanam
("Bath of Wisdom"). Though several of the Jewish tradition of the
malabar nasranis was lost due to persecution by the Portuguese, some of
its distinct traditions and observances lived on.
[110]
A surviving Jewish tradition among the Nasrani people is the tradition of
Pesaha appam[110] or breaking of unleavened
Passover bread for
Pesaha or passover.
[110] On passover night, the Nasrani people have
Pesaha-appam along with
Pesaha-pal or "Passover coconut milk".
[110] This tradition of
Pesaha-appam is observed by many Nasrani people until this day.
[110]
The Southist-Northists endogamous division still exists among the Syrian Christians. The Southists or the
Knanaya
people population is estimated as nearly 0.3 million while the Northist
population is above 6 million. Knanites have their own dioceses in
Syro-Malabar Church and
Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church[111] Knanaya people have very ardently preserved some elements of their Jewish traditions and the adherence to
endogamy has helped them to do so.
[110]
- Saint Thomas Christians observe Holy Thursday with high reverence. This day is called as Pesaha, a Malayalam word derived from the Aramaic or Hebrew word for Passover – Pasha or Pesah – commemorating the Last Supper of Jesus Christ during Passover in Jerusalem. The tradition of consuming Pesaha appam or Indariyappam
after the church service is observed by the entire community under the
leadership of the head of the family. Special long services followed by Holy Qurbana are conducted during the Pesaha eve in the churches.[112]
- The community observes Lent, locally called The fifty days' fast, from Clean Monday to the day before Easter, abjuring all meat, fish and ghee.[113] They also traditionally observe The 25 days' fast which ends on the day of Christmas.
- Generally, foot wares are removed before entering the church and women cover their heads during worship.
- The ritual services (liturgy) is called the Holy Qurbana, which is derived from the Hebrew Korban (קרבן), meaning "sacrifice".
- Some parts of the Nasrani Qurbana are sung in Syriac.
- Immediately after a Child is born, a priest or male relative shouts in the child’s ear Maron Yesu Mishiha
( Jesus Christ is the Messiah ). The child would be fed with three
drops of honey in which a little gold had been rubbed by his father and
the mother is considered to be under pollution till the tenth day.[113]
- Another surviving tradition is the use of muthukoda (ornamental umbrella)
for church celebrations, marriages and other festivals. Traditional
drums and arch decorations and ornamental umbrella are part of the
church celebrations. Its use have become popular all over Kerala.
- The rituals and ceremonies of Syrian Christians related to house
building, astrology, birth and marriage have close similarity with those
of Hindus in Kerala. Death rituals express Christian canonical themes
very distantly and the influence of Hindu culture is quite noticeable.
Much stress is given to ideas concerning life after death and the
anticipation of final judgment.[114]
- Syriac Christians do not marry close relatives. The rule is that
bride and groom must not be related for at least five generations.
Entering into marriage relationship in the Mar Thoma Church
is possible only if there are five generations, between the common
ancestor and the prospective parties i.e. marriage between third cousins
is permissible.[citation needed]
- Syrian Christians generally prefer arranged marriages and the
prospective partners see each other in the Pennukanal (Bride Viewing)
ceremony at bride’s home.[115]
- Syrian Christians didn't use any pictures, paintings or statues of
Jesus or saints in their churches until the arrival of Portuguese. They
considered it as idolatry.[citation needed]
- The traditional dress of a Syrian Christian woman is the Chatta
& Mundu, a seamless white garment, but now limited within old age
group. Following the general trend, Sari and Churidar have become predominant among the younger generations.[117]
Demographics
Kunniparampil Zachariah notes that the 20th century was period of
significant transition for the Saint Thomas Christians in terms of its
demographic and socio-economic status. Around 1900, the community was
concentrated in a few areas, was geographically static and "... was
characterised by very high death rate, very high birth rate, very early
age at marriage, and 10 to 12 children per married woman". The
population had increased eight-fold during the preceding century, from a
base figure of about 100,000, and comprised nearly 50 per cent
children. But, the population growth of Syrian Christians came down
drastically after 1960s, with the lowest birth rate, highest age at
marriage, highest family planning user rate, and lowest fertility rate
compared to other communities in Kerala. The proportion of children has
come down to less than 25%. The absolute and relative size of the
community is in a diminishing trend and it's approaching a Zero
Population Growth regime.
[118]
As of 2001, in Kerala, more than 85 per cent of the Saint Thomas Christian population live in the six central districts of the state -
Pathanamthitta,
Alapuzha,
Kottayam,
Idukki,
Ernakulam and
Trissur. They have also migrated to other cities in India like
Kanyakumari,
Ooty,
Mangalore,
Bangalore,
Chennai,
Pune,
Delhi,
Shimoga,
Mumbai,
Coimbatore,
Hyderabad and
Kolkata.
[108]
Migration to foreign countries also steeply increased in the
post-independence period and major destinations were United States of
America, Europe, Australia and Middle East. According to a rough
estimate, 20–25 % of the Saint Thomas Christians live outside the state
of Kerala.
[108] The
Syro Malabar Catholic Church and the
Syro-Malankara Catholic Church
together constitute about 51.4 per cent, the Syrian Orthodox and Syrian
Jacobites together about 21.4 per cent, the Mar Thoma Christians about
15.7 per cent, the Church of South India 5.2 per cent and others about
6.3 per cent of Christian in the state.
[1]
- Population statistics of Catholic Churches are based on The
Pontifical year Book. For others, verifiable statistical information is
not available.
Caste status
Christopher Fuller believes that Saint Thomas Christians, along with
the Latin Christians and New Christians of the region, "may sensibly
regarded as castes" but notes that "The word 'sensibly' is cautiously
used for only as an ideal type can 'caste' be defined."
[119]
He considers them to be "part of the total segmentary caste structure
and [...] ranked with respect to each other and to the Hindu castes".
[120]
George Mathew, writing of the practice of untouchability in Kerala,
makes a similar distinction in saying that "Technically, the Christians
were outside [the] caste hierarchy, but in practice a system of
inclusion and exclusion was developed ...".
[121]
Duncan Forrester, after a detailed study in this subject, observes that
"... Nowhere else in India is there a large and ancient Christian
community which has in time immemorial been accorded a high status in
the caste hierarchy. [...] [Saint Thomas Christian] community operates
very much as a caste and is properly regarded as a caste or at least a
very caste like group."
[122]
Anand Amaladass also follows this view saying that "The Syrian
Christians had inserted themselves within the Indian caste society for
centuries and were regarded by the Hindus as a caste occupying a high
place within their caste hierarchy."
[123]
Saint Thomas Christians followed the same rules of caste and pollution
as that of Hindus and sometimes they were even considered as pollution
neutralizers.
[85][120] They tend to be endogamous, and tend not to
intermarry
even with other Christian groupings. Saint Thomas Christians derive
status within the caste system from the tradition that they were elites,
who were
evangelized by St. Thomas.
[119][124]
Internal division of Saint Thomas Christians into Northists and
Southists and also into a number of sects based on the ecclesiastical
orientation makes the pattern of segmentation an exceedingly complex
one.
[122]
Fuller believes that the caste hierarchy among these Christian
groupings in Kerala is more polarized than the Hindu system of gradation
and ascribes this relatively high polar nature to the limited number of
castes among Christians while innumerable castes and sub castes are
arranged in the Hindu hierarchical order.
[119]
Forrester suggests that the Northist-Southist division forms two groups
within the Saint Thomas Christian community which are closely analogous
to sub-castes.
[122]
At the same time, different Saint Thomas Christian denominations like
Catholic, Jacobite, Mar Thomite etc. are better regarded as sects,
rather than sub-castes, since the recruitment to these sects cannot be
strictly ascribed to birth.
[119][122]
Also, internal mobility is allowed among these Saint Thomas Christian
sects and the caste status is kept even if the sect allegiance is
switched (for example, from
Syrian Orthodox to
Syrian Catholic).
[125] That is, despite the sectarian differences, Saint Thomas Christians share a common social status within the
Caste system of Kerala and is considered as
Forward Caste.
[122]
